"Collateral damage" was the euphemism-of-choice starting with the Vietnam war in the 1970s to describe the accidental killing of civilians.
"Civilian contractors" may be the
euphemism-of-choice of the Iraq war and the future.

Civilian Contractors

For most Americans in early 2004, the term "civilian contractors" suggested images of hard-hat guys working on construction sites in the Iraq Reconstruction program helping the local people to rebuild a war-torn nation.

But, after 4 American civilian contractors were killed in Fallouja, their bodies descecrated, and the subsequent reprisal, intense fighting and stalemate, the implications of this euphemism for mercenaries started to emerge publically, issues including:

Estimated number: in 2004, about 60,000 - 90,000 such mercenaries (many ex-Marines, Special Forces) currently in Iraq (more, elsewhere*) In June, 2005, "Private Warriors" (online at PBS Frontline) estimated that over 120,000 private contractors doing all kinds of work "outsourced" by the Pentagon make up "Iraq's 2nd Largest Force."

Concealment of Pentagon budgets -- a common way to "cuts costs" and "reduce defense spending" is to hide things in other budgets. Administrations can brag about reducing the number of government employees, but the effects of "privitizing" means that "Civil Service has Morphed into U.S. Inc." As Linda Bilmes, in 2004, writes: "This year, the United States will spend $275 billion — more than 10% of the federal budget — buying goods and services from private contractors, often through contracts never fully opened to competitive bidding."

By 2007, over 100,000 contractors were working in Iraq, when the initial estimates of the deaths of 770 contractors and injuries of 7,761 more, spurred congressional critics to demand a fuller accounting, claiming that the Pentagon had understated and disguised the true costs of the war.

War profiteering by the executives and stockholders of a few well-connected corporations (e.g. Halliburton, CACI International Inc., Titan Corp., Aegis)

Troop morale and issues of fairness -- mercenaries in the combat zone get 5 times the pay than do our military personnel there (many of whom, as reservists, have lost their civilian jobs). As conservative commentator Max Boot put it: "So the government is in competition with itself for its most skilled and hard-to-replace soldiers. Does this sort of outsourcing really make sense?"

Subsequently (in 2005), when US Marines detained civilian contractors, and roughed them up, as if they were Iraqi detainees, the friction continued: "Almost since the beginning of the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003, there have been tensions between the private forces and the military. Soldiers resent the perks the contractors enjoy. Contractors routinely make three or four times the pay of troops — more than $100,000 a year. Some troops and officials see the contractors as "cowboys" who enrage ordinary Iraqis with wanton behavior. Journalists have observed them pointing their guns and firing rounds at Iraqis who come too close. Contractors have been seen racing around Baghdad, Fallouja and other hotspots in armored SUVs, forcing Iraqi civilians off the road."

Accountability and responsibility -- when the mistreatment of Iraqi prisoners attt Abu Ghraib was first revealed, the American people also became aware that such mercenaries (the interrogators and "translators") were "beyond the law" -- unable to be prosecuted under any American laws. "In the shock of the Iraqi abuse scandal — amid horrific images of prisoner brutality, the inquiries into who did what and who told them to — one unsettling detail went largely unnoticed. But only temporarily. Of the 37 interrogators at Abu Ghraib prison, 27 did not belong to the U.S. military but to a Virginia private contractor called CACI International. Twenty-two linguists who assisted them were employed by California-based Titan International."
See: P.W. Singer, "Above Law, Above Decency"

For more: P. W. Singer, Corporate Warriors: Rise of the Privatized Military Industry (Cornell,2004)

See also, "Many Nations Employ Torture out of sight" -- "Two thirds of the world practices torture, said [Professor Lisa Hajjar], but no one admits it. And if anyone finds out, the state-perpetrator often engages in 'implicatory denial.' That is, a top official blames an aberrant agent for the action, while stating that whatever the abuser did flies in the face of what the nation sees as just."

See also: "Mercenary Hits it Big, Thanks to U.S." (Los Anglese Times, June 24, 2004) by Robert Young Pelton, author of World's Most Dangerous Places (2003). Pelton writes about Timothy Spicer, controversial and notorious British mercenary whose 2 year old company, Aegis, received a lucratuve US contract to provide 600 armed men as security guards in Iraq, and "to coordinate the operations of 60 other private military companies already working in Iraq and their 20,000 men, including handling security at prisons and oil fields. It's a no-risk, cost-plus arrangement that could earn the company up to $293 million."

See also: "Army Turns to Private Guards" (Los Angeles Times, August 12, 2004) "Stretched thin by troop deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan and security needs at home, the Army has resorted to hiring private security guards to help protect dozens of American military bases. To date, more than 4,300 private security officers have been put to work at 50 Army installations in the United States.... The work was awarded to four firms — two of which got the contracts without having to bid competitively. The contracts are worth as much as $1.24 billion.... But the Army's action has drawn criticism on two grounds: that it compromises domestic military security, and that it amounts to abuse of a law intended to aid impoverished Alaska Natives. Two five-year contracts worth as much as $1 billion went to two small Alaska Native firms with little previous security experience..."

These comments are not to denigrate the courage or patriotism of the individuals functioning as civilian contractors. Indeed, they often die in the combat zone (over 200 in 2003/04), a "Death Without Honors" -- "for the families of contractors working in the outsourced Iraq war, there are no presidential letters or 21-gun salutes -- only shock and grief."

Two years later (May 24, 2006) , Amnesty International's report said "The U.S. government's use of private military contractors to conduct interrogations in Iraq and to transport suspected terrorists creates "rule-free zones" and allows abuses to go unpunished." U.S. Is Faulted for Using Private Military Workers

In May 2007, after a major fire-fight incident involving private contractors from Blackwell , "The Pentagon and company representatives estimate that 20,000 to 30,000 armed security contractors work in Iraq, although there are no official figures and some estimates run much higher. Security contractors are not counted as part of the coalition forces and are prohibited from taking part in offensive operations. But their convoys are often attacked, drawing guards into firefights and ground combat."
Many Elite Soldiers Leave for Better Pay
By PAULINE JELINEK Associated Press - July 20, 2004

Just when the U.S. military needs them most, senior Green Berets, Navy SEALs and other elite forces are leaving for higher-paying jobs.

After getting years of training and experience in the military, they leave for other government jobs or for what defense officials said Tuesday has been an explosion in outside contractor work.

"What makes them so valuable to us makes them highly marketable on the outside," said Chief Master Sgt. Robert V. Martens Jr., senior adviser at the U.S. Special Operations Command, which also oversees equipping and training elite Army Rangers and Air Force special operations commandos.

Better salaries, retirement benefits and educational opportunities are among incentives that might help stem the problem, defense officials said as they met with lawmakers to discuss ways to keep forces who have become so crucial to the war on terror.

A soldier, sailor or airman gets $60,000 per year at 18 years of service - a figure that includes housing allowance and some types of special duty pay. Troops who go to work for civilian contractors can make up to $200,000 a year, one official has said.

The military command that oversees the covert forces "is the nation's single best weapon in the global war on terror," said Rep. Jim Saxton, R-N.J. Saxton opened Tuesday's session before his House Armed Services Committee terrorism subcommittee, saying he fears the military is losing such troops faster than they can be replaced for a counter-terror war that "has no foreseeable end point."

Officials from the command based in Tampa, Fla., didn't give specific numbers but said the Army, Navy and Air Force are all seeing an increasing trend in which senior people are retiring at their 20-year mark, though they could remain on active duty for several more years.

Force Master Chief Clell Breining, senior adviser at the Naval Special Warfare Command, said there has been a decline in people staying beyond the 10- to 14-year mark since the Sept. 11, 2001, terror attacks.

"We are not looking to retain every single person to their 30-year tenure, but we are looking to retain a key experience base to lead our younger, less experienced troops out into the field into combat," Martens said.

It can take four years just to train a special operations soldier and another few years of field experience before he or she is top-notch.
Martens said troops are taking "the skills that we have trained them with" and starting second careers in the civilian sector or moving into other government agencies.

The special operations command has been working with the services and the office of Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld to identify incentives to keep senior people, Martens said. Worse retention problems can be averted, he said.

To some extent the government has helped create the growing market outside its doors. Both the Defense Department and the CIA have hired private contractors to cover their own manpower shortages, especially in skills such as linguistics and prisoner interrogation.

The military has contracted out some chores to save troops for soldiering duties. There are some 20,000 private security guards watching over U.S. officials, convoys and private workers in Iraq - some under government contract and some hired by private companies.

The CIA often uses independent contractors who are hired for short-term assignments. While they sometimes are recruited by and work through a private company, they can also be contracted directly by the agency.

Some of the private companies have been started and are led by retired generals, other military officers and former CIA employees.

Overall spending on federal contracts increased about 42 percent from 2000 to 2003 - from $205 billion to $291 billion - according to a report issued in May by Rep. Henry Waxman of California, the senior Democrat on the House Government Reform Committee. The Army, Air Force and Navy accounted for 55 percent of all federal contract spending in 2003, he said.

The work of the military's special operations forces has greatly expanded in recent years, with them playing a central role in efforts to hunt down, capture or kill terrorists and help train other nation's forces in the counter-terror fight.

Special operations forces played a crucial part in helping local Afghan forces topple the Taliban regime in Afghanistan in 2001 and have figured prominently in the war in Iraq.

Since the war on terror started, the Pentagon has gotten extra money to fund additional equipment for special operations as well as to train more forces.

There are currently under 50,000 such troops, including reservists, and there are plans to increase the total by a few thousand over the next several years. Top
Gov't Won't Renew Titan Counseling Deal
By SETH HETTENA Associated Press Writer SAN DIEGO 07/06/04

Citing "concerns about the way the contract was being used," the federal government has decided it will not renew Titan Corp.'s contract to provide up to $250 million worth of counseling services for U.S. soldiers and their families.

In August, Titan was given the job of setting up Military One Source, a 24-hour counseling service available to help solve a range of problems - from finding a mechanic to marital strife - around the globe via the Internet, e-mail or telephone.

Titan's contract, paid for initially out of emergency funds appropriated by Congress for the war in Iraq, was good for one year, with an option for four more.

But the General Services Administration, which awarded the Titan contract on behalf of the Department of Defense, will allow the deal to lapse next month, an agency spokesman confirmed Tuesday. The GSA cited concerns raised by its own inspector general in an ongoing audit of the Titan contract and others.

"Based on the work we've done, we've had concerns with the way the contract was being used," spokesman Jack Lebo said. He declined to discuss whether the concerns involved Titan, saying he could not be more specific before the audit was finished in late September.

Titan spokesman Wil Williams said the company hasn't been notified of the GSA's decision. He declined further comment.

It's the latest setback for the San Diego-based defense contractor, which is also under investigation for allegedly bribing overseas officials. The ongoing probe led Lockheed Martin to pull out of a deal to buy Titan for $1.66 billion last month.

Titan also supplies translators working with the U.S. military in Iraq and a Titan translator, who has since been fired, was implicated the Abu Ghraib prison scandal. A decision on whether the Army will renew Titan's contract for translators is expected this month.

The Military One Source contract was worth $220 million to $250 million over five years. Titan has billed the GSA slightly more than $13 million for 10 months of work, said agency spokeswoman Mary Alice Johnson. Titan reported revenues of to $1.78 billion last year.

Under its GSA contract, Titan was responsible for the technical work, while a subcontractor, Minneapolis-based Ceridian Corp. took care of the consulting. The GSA decided that the contract should be split in two with separate contracts for consulting and information technology, Johnson said.

A draft of the contract was leaked last year to Government Executive magazine, which found that parts appeared to have been written by a Ceridian employee. Ceridian did not return a message left seeking comment.

The ongoing audit centers on the GSA's Federal Technology Service, which awarded Titan the contract less than a year ago.

The Federal Technology Service was given unusual permission to operate as a telecommunications business. It earned money by charging agencies service fees of between 2 percent and 4 percent of contract values.

The inspector general has found that the FTS expanded without permission to construction jobs and used its soaring profits to pay inappropriate bonuses to some workers. Several workers who received bonuses face discipline. Congress also is scrutinizing the FTS.
___
On the Net:
www.titan.com
www.ceridian.com
www.gsa.gov
www.militaryonesource.com
* Bogota, Columbia (AP - May 1,2004) "President Bush has asked the U.S.Congress to allow up to 800 U.S. military personnel and 600 U.S. citizen civilian contracts to help Colombian government forces."

* San Diego, California (AP - May 12, 2004) "The 7th Fleet's flagship, U.S.S. Coronado, sailed into Yokosuka, Japan with a mostly civilan crew in an experiment officials say could have broad implications for the way the Navy staffs its ships around the world.... Although the top command, weapons and other key positions are reserved for military personnel, civilians outnumber military sailors on the Coronado 153 to 117.... Unlike their enlisted counterparts, civilians can be let go as soon as they are no longer needed. They are paid about twice as much as people in uniform, but they don't get many of the military's benefits." This report notes, in addition, the Military Sealift Command has over 100 civilian merchant marine ships"positioned offshore of trouble spots around the world to supply militaty operations."


Army Turns to Private Guards
The military is criticized for risking security at bases and for a process
that awarded $1 billion in contracts without competitive bidding.

By T. Christian Miller Los Angeles Times Staff Writer August 12, 2004

WASHINGTON — Stretched thin by troop deployments in Iraq and Afghanistan and security needs at home, the Army has resorted to hiring private security guards to help protect dozens of American military bases.

To date, more than 4,300 private security officers have been put to work at 50 Army installations in the United States, according to Army documents obtained by The Times.

The work was awarded to four firms — two of which got the contracts without having to bid competitively. The contracts are worth as much as $1.24 billion.

The Army says the maneuver lets it free up more soldiers for military duty while quickly putting private guards in place to meet the need for additional security since the Sept. 11 attacks.

But the Army's action has drawn criticism on two grounds: that it compromises domestic military security, and that it amounts to abuse of a law intended to aid impoverished Alaska Natives.


Two five-year contracts worth as much as $1 billion went to two small Alaska Native firms with little previous security experience. The firms, which operate under special contracting laws enabling them to avoid competitive bidding, subcontracted part of the work to two of the country's largest security firms: Wackenhut Services Inc. and Vance Federal Security Services.

Thirty-six bases are covered by the Alaska Native contracts — including three in California: Ft. Irwin, the Sierra Army Depot and the Presidio of Monterey.

"I'm concerned about the protection of our military facilities," said Rep. Lane Evans, an Illinois Democrat who serves on the House Armed Services Committee and has called for hearings on the contracts.

"Some of these installations house chemical weapons and intelligence materials and should not be compromised with questionable contracting processes and poor security."

Democrats, watchdog groups and independent contracting experts said that the Army's contracting arrangement with the Alaska Native firms amounted to a back-door deal to send taxpayer dollars to Wackenhut and Vance, which lost out the only time they faced open competition against other companies for the security contracts.

"It's a total abuse of the intent of the law," said Danielle Brian, the executive director of the Program on Government Oversight, a watchdog group. "The law was designed to benefit companies that need a special boost. At the end of the day, if Wackenhut is benefiting, it's just a blatant abuse of the system."

The move is part of a larger trend of hiring private contractors to do many jobs previously done by the military. Since the war in Iraq, the shift toward private contractors has accelerated. Private companies now do everything from washing soldiers' laundry to protecting senior American officials from attack.

At Army bases in the United States, officials said that security requirements arising from the Sept. 11 attacks had forced them to use thousands of active duty and reserve units to set up additional patrols and guard posts.

Defense officials saw private security guards as a way to perform the additional security duties, free up more soldiers to fight in the field and make it possible for reserve units to return home when their service commitments expired.

Defense Department officials first had to lobby Congress to lift a nearly 2-decade-old federal ban on hiring private security guards at military bases. The ban was enacted after government unions said they feared losing nonmilitary Defense Department guard jobs to private companies.

Army officials said that by the time Congress acted, they didn't have enough time to mount a full and open bidding competition for the work.

The ability to award contracts to Alaska Native firms without any competition enabled the Army to quickly install private security guards. The Army decided in July 2003 to issue contracts to two firms, each with a cap of $500 million over five years.

Wackenhut's partner is the Alaska Native firm Alutiiq Security and Technology, based in Chesapeake, Va. The other Alaska native firm, Chenega Technical Products, based in Panama City, Fla., subcontracted to Vance.

At about the same time it awarded the Alaska Native contracts, the Army also decided to issue two more contracts to provide base security through typical open competition. The Army said it had more time for the second round of contracts, which were awarded in September 2003.

In that competition, Wackenhut and Vance entered the bidding but lost to other companies, the Army documents showed.
The two winning companies, Coastal International of South Carolina and Akal Security of New Mexico, were given $74 million worth of contracts to guard 12 bases.

The Army said that the private guards have performed well, and were trained to the same standards as Defense Department civilian guards, who work at Army bases along with military police officers.

"The overall performance of the [security guard program] has been excellent and to the standards of the contract," the Army said in a written response to questions from The Times.

The private security firms also dismissed the complaints.

Wackenhut said the criticisms were part of a labor battle against the company involving one of the country's largest service unions, Service Employees International Union, which wanted to unionize Wackenhut guards.

Alutiiq said its performance rating justified the Army's decision.

The firm's previous security experience consisted of fielding a 120-man private police force for Kwajalein Atoll, a missile test site in the South Pacific.

"We are paying [our guards] a little higher. But we're getting quality performance as a result. You get what you pay for," said Bruce Swagler, the head of Alutiiq's security program. "Quality-wise and performance-wise, as far as the government is concerned, we're doing a great job."

After hearing about the Army's interest in hiring private security guards, company officials said Alutiiq and Wackenhut pitched their partnership: Alutiiq provided the contracting speed, and Wackenhut provided the experience. The two firms jointly recruit the guards, 51% of whom become Alutiiq employees and 49% Wackenhut employees as set out in the contract.

Alutiiq said that as far as it knew, one of its guards was an Alaska Native.

"When it was clear that the Army needed to do something and do it quickly, we believed it was headed toward Alaska Native corporations,"' said James L. Long, the president and chief executive of Wackenhut Services, a subsidiary of Wackenhut. "We made it clear to the Army that we had a relationship with Alutiiq and Alutiiq made sure that the Army knew they had a relationship with Wackenhut."
Alaska Native corporations — sometimes called "Stevens Act" corporations because the firms were strongly supported by Sen. Ted Stevens, the Alaska Republican who headed the chamber's Appropriations Committee — were created in 1971 as part of a settlement of land claims with Alaskan tribal groups.

Small businesses belonging to such corporations can receive no-bid contracts of unlimited value, an advantage not enjoyed by other types of businesses. And though Alaska Natives must own the company, tribal members do not have to do any of the work, meaning the firms can subcontract work to other companies.

The reasoning was that profit generated by the firms returned to impoverished Alaskan tribes, which could use the money to pay dividends or set up scholarship funds.

Although dividends in some years have been more than $50,000 per shareholder, they more typically amount to a few thousand dollars.
The military guard contracts awarded to Alutiiq and Wackenhut so far total $90.4 million to guard 16 bases, while Chenega and Vance have received contracts worth $89.9 million to guard 20 bases.

Because Wackenhut and Vance lost to other companies when faced with competitive bidding, contracting expert groups questioned whether the Army was paying too much for the no-bid contracts.

Steven Schooner, a contracting expert at George Washington University's Law School, said the Army's actions showed a lack of planning.
"If it's true that [Alaska Native corporations] are getting contracts of staggering volumes solely for the purpose of avoiding competition or being a funnel to the same firms that should be otherwise competing for the work … it's offensive," Schooner said. "It's ridiculous."
Unions and watchdog groups have raised concerns about Wackenhut's and Vance's performance on other contracts.

Unions have attacked Vance for acting aggressively against striking workers in situations where the company has been hired to protect factories and work sites.

Wackenhut has been accused by unions and government officials of allowing lapses in security at the nation's nuclear plants, many of which employ Wackenhut guards.

A Department of Energy report this year by the inspector general said current and former security guards at Oak Ridge nuclear weapons complex had complained that Wackenhut manipulated the results of drills by altering testing equipment and passing information to low-ranking guards prior to simulated attacks.

"It seems really irresponsible to have Wackenhut, which was found to have cheated on government security tests, doing security work at U.S. military bases," said Stephen Lerner, the director of the security division at the Service Employees International Union, which maintains a website critical of Wackenhut.

"This isn't about mowing the lawn. This is about guarding places that are potential terrorist targets."

Wackenhut defended its performance, noting that it continued to receive work from the government. It also said that the inspector general's criticisms were directed more at the Department of Energy than at Wackenhut.

"We do what we're told to do. We do what we're contracted to do," Long said.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Copyright 2004 Los Angeles Times | Top

Death Without Honors
For the families of contractors working in the outsourced Iraq war,
there are no presidential letters or 21-gun salutes -- only shock and grief.

By David Zucchino Los Angeles Times January 15, 2005


ROSHARON, Texas — When the regulars at Johnson's Market Bar and Grill heard that their buddy Allan Smith had been killed in Iraq, they paid tribute by throwing darts and drinking beer, two of Smith's favorite pastimes.

"Allan would've wanted it that way," said Pat Johnson, the bar owner, who was pleased when the funeral featured a video of Smith wrestling a circus bear — and pinning him.

In another Houston suburb, Dona Davis had received an e-mail from her husband, Leslie, just hours before she was told he had died in the same suicide bombing that killed Smith on Dec. 21. Then she began planning what she called a "patriotism funeral."

"My husband loved his country," Davis said. "One of the last things he told me was: 'We're doing good work over here.' "

Leslie Wayne Davis and Allan Keith Smith weren't soldiers. They were civilian contractors, part of an army of mechanics and carpenters and electricians supporting the U.S. military mission in Iraq. Employees of Halliburton Co., they died along with two of their colleagues and 14 soldiers at a military mess hall in Mosul.

America has never fought a war like this one — where the enemy is nowhere and everywhere, where civilians do the jobs once performed by soldiers, and where middle-aged grandfathers die alongside 19-year-old infantrymen. This is the country's first outsourced war, where civilians provide the twin military backbones of logistics and supply.

It is a war without a front, where civilians share the risks and burdens of combat. People are killed in the most prosaic of circumstances — in their sleep, driving to work, eating lunch.

Unlike soldiers and Marines killed in action, contractors killed in Iraq tend to die anonymously, mentioned only in passing. A local newspaper ran a brief story about Davis and Smith, providing basic biographical details.

But their deaths are no less tragic, and the same ripples of grief and pain that flow over military families wash over civilian families.

Unlike the families of service members, the families of contractors have not had years to steel themselves for the possibility of death in combat. Their loved ones don't carry rifles or fire heavy machine guns. They are civilians going about their jobs, and each sudden, violent death is shocking, no matter how many contractors are killed in the chaos of Iraq.

The Pentagon and media organizations maintain meticulous lists of fallen soldiers and Marines. Local newspapers run detailed stories and obituaries noting their service and valor. The dead receive military funerals with honor guards, 21-gun salutes and flag ceremonies. Their families receive letters from President Bush.


No organization keeps an official list of dead contractors, according to Stan Soloway of the Professional Services Council, a trade group whose members include military contractors. He said the group represents 30,000 contractors in Iraq, with the total number of contractors there two to three times that.

Soloway estimated that 200 to 250 contractors had been killed in Iraq since March 2003. An unofficial tally based on news reports and maintained by the Iraq Coalition Casualty Count, a private research group, puts the number at 202, including 72 Americans.

Halliburton, with 40,000 employees and contractors in the Middle East, says 63 of its workers have died in Iraq — more than any other firm, according to Soloway.

The U.S. military, with 150,000 troops in Iraq, has suffered 1,356 deaths.

The top causes of death for contractors, as listed on the Casualty Count website: 48 killed in convoy attacks or highway ambushes, 29 executed by kidnappers, 18 killed by roadside bombs and 25 by suicide bombers or car bombs, including Smith and Davis.

The Pentagon provides funerals with full military honors in military cemeteries for service members killed in Iraq. The families of contractors make their own funeral arrangements.

After the military flew the remains of Smith and Davis to Dover Air Force Base in Delaware, after Halliburton employees escorted the bodies back home to Texas, and after Halliburton counselors sat for hours with the two men's loved ones, the families were left to do the rest.

Dona Davis took the wedding band from her husband and replaced it with her own, burying it with him. She made sure his service included a video of Leslie speaking at his brother's recent funeral, where he said his brother had "gone to a better place in heaven." She believed Leslie was there now, too.

Smith's friends attached a dartboard to his casket. They laughed at the bear-wrestling video and wept at the playing of Smith's favorite song, "Silver Wings," by Merle Haggard. There were sobs over a snapshot of Smith holding his newborn grandson at the hospital.

Both Smith, 45, and Davis, 53, were grandfathers. They were more than twice the age of most of the soldiers eating in the mess hall with them the day they died. The typical soldier is single, only a few years out of high school and with few debts or entanglements. The typical contractor is middle-aged, married or divorced, and searching for a big payday.

Smith's friends say he went to work for Halliburton in Iraq as a labor foreman to earn money to build a better life for his two daughters and 4-month-old grandson and to buy one of his daughters a car. Davis' family says he went out of a sense of duty, working as a quality control officer, with hopes of landing a permanent job with Halliburton overseas so that he and his wife could travel the world.

Men like Davis and Smith, with a lifetime of acquired skills and expertise, are in demand at a time when a downsized military has turned to civilians for the support jobs once handled by soldiers. Halliburton, an energy services company based in Houston, has been among the leading private contractors in Iraq, mainly through its engineering subsidiary, KBR.

When the opportunity came to work for the company in Iraq, Smith and Davis seized it, despite pleas from family members and friends not to take the risk.

'I Got It Covered'


Smith was a stocky, moon-faced man with a carefree personality. His life centered on his daughters, Brandy, 21, and Savanah, 18, and his grandson, Koda. He was a regular at Johnson's bar, a low-slung taproom that hugs a narrow county road across from cattle pastures and oil rigs in Rosharon on the southern cusp of Houston.

Smith eked out a living running a lawn care service. He lived in a trailer less than a mile from Johnson's and was a partner, with a lifelong friend, in a now-defunct tavern called Hoot N Annie's.

Miranda Selvera, 29, who worked for Smith as a waitress, said she talked her husband out of going to Iraq but could not talk Smith out of it.
"He just grinned and told me he wanted a better life for himself and his kids," she said.

"Alabama" Terry Hartley, who threw darts with Smith for a decade, said he told him the night before he left in late October: "Man, you don't need to go over there." Hartley said Smith "hugged my neck and said, 'Buddy, I got it covered.' "

Smith's daughter Brandy Wilkison lives in his trailer, where two Halliburton counselors arrived the afternoon of Dec. 21 to deliver the news of her father's death.

She said her father had planned to return for a brief visit in the spring to see her sister, Savanah, graduate from high school and for the birth of Savanah's baby, due in June.

"Then he was going to go back and finish his year there so he could come back home and raise his grandkids right," Brandy said. He told her his salary there was "well over enough," and "a lot better than cutting grass."

She felt bereft now, she said. "He was so courageous. I counted on him for so much, and now he's gone and I'm feeling kind of lost."
When he left for Iraq, she said, Smith handed over his lawn-cutting business to Brandy's boyfriend. "We're going to keep the same name — Allan's Lawn Service," she said.

Smith worried about mortar attacks at the Mosul base where he lived, said his girlfriend, Ellen Hanley. He told her a mortar had hit a nearby storage building.

"But he wasn't scared of anything," Hanley said.

The day before Smith died, Hanley had undergone cancer surgery. "Then, getting the news about Allen, it was more than I could take," she said.

Smith's death has left a hole in Rosharon, a tiny community where everyone knows everyone else and most people work in home construction or the oil business. Everybody recognized his beige Dodge pickup truck, which he drove to Johnson's bar or for regular dinners at a Chili's restaurant.

Selvera said her 4-year-old son still smiled and waved when he saw Smith's pickup pass by, driven now by his daughter.
"He'll holler, 'Allan's here!' " Selvera said. "And I have to tell him, 'No, baby, he's not.' "

'Just as Close to Heaven'

Fifty miles away, in Magnolia, in Houston's far northern suburbs, Dona Davis had tried to talk her husband out of going to Iraq last June. She kept thinking about the time three decades ago when he served on Navy patrol boats in Vietnam, and how she had dreaded the knock on the door.

When the knock came on Dec. 21, it was not a military officer at the door but two counselors from Halliburton. "I completely lost it" when they broke the news, Davis said. She became hysterical, sobbing and screaming, she said.

She ultimately found solace in what her husband had told her when she tried to keep him home. "He told me: 'Dona, I'm just as close to heaven in Iraq as I am in Houston,' " she said.

Leslie Davis, known as "Bub," was a religious man, a former church deacon who taught Sunday school and prayed before every meal. He embraced the U.S. mission in Iraq, his widow said. He handed out candy to Iraqi children until the military, concerned about base security, built a wall that stopped him.

Dona said her husband earned about the same amount of money with Halliburton as he did in previous jobs as an auditor with U.S. oil companies.

"He didn't talk with me about the danger, and that was deliberate," she said. "He would joke about having to wear his flak vest to the mess hall. If they'd had a mortar attack, he'd tell me, 'The boys got rowdy last night.' "

Leslie and Dona, married for 35 years, e-mailed each other every night — Leslie's were decorated with U.S. and Texas flags — and they talked by phone almost daily. He spoke often of the fear and anxiety he saw in the eyes of young soldiers. Leslie was 19 in Vietnam, and Dona believes he was reliving his youth in a combat zone far from home.

After a fatal car bombing in Mosul, Dona said, Leslie described encountering a distraught young soldier who had survived.

"He said he wanted to hug that young man but didn't because he didn't want to do it in front of other soldiers," she said. "And then he told me he would rather it be him who died instead of those kids."

The day he died, the family was planning a pre-Christmas dinner. The boyfriend of the Davises' daughter, Angie, 35, intended to propose that night. The dinner was canceled.

"You know," Angie said, wiping away tears that streaked her eye makeup, "the first thing I would have done was e-mail my dad to tell him. He would've been so happy."

Despite the dangers, she said, her father went to Iraq "because that was where he thought God needed him to be."

For Dona, who began dating Leslie when both were in the ninth grade, his death has been devastating. The couple was hoping to travel the world for Halliburton before retiring to watch their grandchildren grow up. Leslie had planned to take time off in March to meet Dona in Rome.

"It's just so hard to think of life without him," she said.

Davis didn't want to go to lunch that day in Mosul, Dona said, but his fellow contractors talked him into it. One of them, Dennis Barcelona, told Dona that he tried to save Leslie as he lay bleeding from a wound in his thigh near his groin. Barcelona said he used a shirt as a tourniquet but was unable to stop the bleeding.

"Tell my wife I'm going to be OK," Barcelona recalled Leslie saying to him.

For her birthday in November, Leslie sent Dona a prayer rug he'd had made in Iraq. Sewn into the rug were the names and ages of the couple's four children and 11 grandchildren.

Dona thought it was typical of her husband to make it harder on himself by trying to remember ages rather than simply listing birth dates. He had to figure everyone's age, rounding some up and some down. The ages he chose corresponded precisely to the ages of his children and grandchildren on the day he died.

"It's almost like he had a premonition," Angie said.
At Leslie's funeral, hundreds of people flooded the chapel, among them the two Halliburton counselors. TV monitors were set up outside to handle the overflow.

"People were drawn to him. He could charm anybody," Angie said. "If you worked with my dad for a week, you were his friend for life."
There was an eagle and an American flag on the casket. Because Davis was a veteran, two Navy sailors were present to salute the casket, play taps and present Dona with a folded American flag.

A few days later, in the living room of their ranch-style home, where the windows overlook several acres of rolling magnolia woods, Dona and Angie did not weep as they remembered their final goodbye.

"That funeral was a celebration of his life," Dona said.

After all the turbulence of Iraq, Angie said, her father was finally at peace.
------------------------------------------------------------------------
Copyright 2005 Los Angeles Times | Top


THE CONFLICT IN IRAQ
Contractors Say Marines Behaved Abusively

The arrest of private security workers over gunfire in Fallouja
reflects friction with U.S. military personnel.

By T. Christian Miller, Los Angeles Times | June 11, 2005
WASHINGTON — Matt Raiche knew he was in trouble when the Marines handed him an orange jumpsuit, a bottle to urinate in, a Koran and a Muslim prayer rug.

Marine guards put the former Marine into a 6-foot-by-6-foot concrete cell, locked the steel door and told him to keep his mouth shut. In cells nearby, he heard imprisoned insurgents screaming in Arabic.

"They took us to be … insurgent terrorists," said Raiche, 34, one of 16 U.S. contractors arrested by Marines last month on suspicion of firing indiscriminately at U.S. troops and Iraqi civilians. "We said we were Americans. We didn't know what was going on."

So began three days of captivity for the employees of North Carolina-based Zapata Engineering, who were apprehended after Marines allegedly witnessed them firing weapons from an armored convoy passing through Fallouja.

Although the details remain unclear, the May 28 incident reflects the long-simmering tension between the military and private business in Iraq. Even though the government has hired companies to perform many functions there — including providing security — it does not formally oversee their activities, allowing misunderstandings and disputes to fester.

Raiche said the Marines seemed resentful about the salaries contractors in Iraq are paid. "One Marine gets me on the ground and puts his knee in my back. Then I hear another Marine say, "How does it feel to make that contractor money now?' "

The contractors who were detained have denied the accusations against them. They were released and are in the process of returning home. Three unarmed Iraqi subcontractors for Pasadena-based Parsons Corp. who were passengers in the convoy were also held and released.
The Zapata contractors, who were held at a Marine base near Fallouja, acknowledged firing warning shots to prevent a suspicious vehicle from approaching their convoy but said they never aimed at Marines or civilians.

Marine officers confirmed that the Justice Department was reviewing the incident to determine whether criminal charges would be filed. The contractors were questioned by the FBI and Naval Criminal Investigative Services.

The Marine documents said the Zapata contractors, besides firing on civilians, had unauthorized weapons in their vehicles — AT4 antitank weapons and grenades. Several of the contractors said they were given those weapons by Marines in the months before the confrontation. The Marines said they could not immediately confirm the source of the weapons.

The incident also renewed questions about the U.S. military's treatment of prisoners in Iraq. One of the few things both sides largely agree on is that the Marines treated the contractors like any other detainees — treatment the contractors found abusive and humiliating.

The Marines are investigating the contractors' abuse complaints but have found "nothing to substantiate those claims," said Lt. Col. David Lapan, a Marine spokesman.

The case is believed to represent the first time the military has detained contractors in Iraq on suspicion of endangering Iraqi civilians or U.S. troops.

By some estimates, more than 20,000 security contractors operate in Iraq — a private army that is the second-largest armed foreign contingent in the country, surpassed only by the 140,000 U.S. troops.

The contractors perform functions that thinly stretched U.S. forces would be hard-pressed to provide, such as armed protection for Iraqi and U.S. civilian officials, including the U.S. ambassador.

Many contractors are retired soldiers from the U.S., Britain and Australia. Others served in the military of the old apartheid government of South Africa or the armed forces of Colombia and El Salvador, long linked to human rights violations.

The contractors work in a legal shadow world, largely unregulated by either the U.S. or Iraqi government. Under an order signed by Coalition Provisional Authority chief L. Paul Bremer III in June 2004, as the U.S.-led occupation drew to a close, contractors are immune from prosecution in Iraq as long as the actions in question were performed as part of their work.

Almost since the beginning of the U.S.-led invasion in March 2003, there have been tensions between the private forces and the military.

Soldiers resent the perks the contractors enjoy. Contractors routinely make three or four times the pay of troops — more than $100,000 a year.

Some troops and officials see the contractors as "cowboys" who enrage ordinary Iraqis with wanton behavior. Journalists have observed them pointing their guns and firing rounds at Iraqis who come too close. Contractors have been seen racing around Baghdad, Fallouja and other hotspots in armored SUVs, forcing Iraqi civilians off the road.

At a conference this year in Washington, Marine Col. Thomas X. Hammes noted that the military and the contractors had different objectives: The military wants to win the war and contractors want to serve their clients.

He pointed to the protection provided to Bremer by contractors as an example of divergent interests. The U.S. wanted to win over Iraqis, he said. But the aggressive tactics the contractors used to shield Bremer sometimes alienated them, he said.

"We can always get another ambassador," Hammes joked grimly.

Nevertheless, many contractors pride themselves on their professionalism. The highest-paid contractors are older men with extensive combat experience. Some view young U.S. troops as inexperienced and dangerous.

There have been numerous instances of troops mistakenly firing at security contractors — "blue on blue" incidents in the parlance of Iraq, similar to "friendly fire" between troops.

Security contractors also complain that they lack many of the resources provided to the military. Contractors are not supposed to have access to military intelligence or carry heavy weapons.

The Fallouja case "brings to the fore this tension of using both private and public forces," said Peter W. Singer, a scholar at the Brookings Institution who has written about contractors. "Coordinating military forces is difficult…. Now it's even more difficult because you're adding private actors."

According to Lapan, the Marine spokesman, Marines saw a convoy of trucks and sport utility vehicles firing at soldiers and civilians about 2 p.m. on May 28. About three hours later, another group of Marines observed similar vehicles firing at a Marine guard post. The troops stopped the convoy and detained the 16 Americans and three Iraqis traveling in the vehicles, placing them in holding cells at Camp Fallouja.

The contractors have denied firing shots at the Marines. Two of them, Raiche and Rick Blanchard, repeated those denials Friday. Blanchard, 42, a former Marine and Florida state trooper, said the Marines had confused the Zapata convoy with an earlier security convoy that had fired indiscriminately.

Raiche said one contractor fired three shots at the ground in front of an approaching Iraqi vehicle as the convoy passed through Fallouja. "That's standard procedure," said Raiche, a 34-year-old former Marine. "We don't want any vehicle inside our convoy. It could be a car bomb."

Blanchard and Raiche said they were physically and mentally abused by Marine guards. They said the Marines taunted them about their salaries, slammed them around and threatened them with a guard dog.

"They were treating us like we were the insurgents," Blanchard said. "It broke my heart the way the Marines treated us."

The military denies that any physical abuse occurred. "We treat all detainees professionally and in accordance with strict procedures," Lapan said, noting that the Marines had separated the Americans from detained rebel suspects and that the men were eventually given U.S.-style food.
Lapan said the group's release after three days did not mean the Marines considered them innocent.

The service gave each of the 16 contractors a letter dated June 5 barring them from further operations in Al Anbar province in western Iraq.
"Your convoy was speeding through [Fallouja] and firing shots indiscriminately, some of which impacted positions manned by U.S. Marines," the letter said. "Your actions endangered the lives of innocent Iraqis and U.S. service members in the area."

All of the men have since resigned from Zapata Engineering, company executives said. Blanchard and Raiche said they did so because of the Marine ban on their working in Iraq.

The company said it did not believe accusations that the convoy had fired on U.S. forces.

"The fact that all of the company's security personnel in Iraq are Americans leads us to believe that the root cause of the events was a misunderstanding by people who are living and working in an intense and stressful situation," company President Manuel Zapata said in a statement.

Of the 16 Zapata employees, 14 were security guards and two were working on a contract to detonate Iraqi munitions.
_____________________________
Copyright 2005 Los Angeles Times | Top

U.S. Is Faulted for Using Private Military Workers
The reliance on security firms to interrogate and transport suspected terrorists has created 'rule-free zones,' says Amnesty International.

By Peter Spiegel | Los Angeles Times | May 24, 2006

WASHINGTON — The U.S. government's use of private military contractors to conduct interrogations in Iraq and to transport suspected terrorists creates "rule-free zones" and allows abuses to go unpunished, Amnesty International charged Tuesday.

There are 20 known cases of civilian contractors suspected of committing criminal acts while handling detainees in Iraq and Afghanistan, but only one has been prosecuted thus far, said Larry Cox, Amnesty's U.S. executive director.

"Amnesty International is not opposed to the use of private contractors," Cox said at a news conference to release the group's annual report on human rights. "But the reliance of the United States government on private military contractors has helped create virtually rule-free zones sanctioned with the American flag and firepower."


The human rights organization said its research also showed that at least 25 American companies appeared to have been hired by the U.S. government to transport suspected terrorists to countries known for human rights violations, a practice that might make them "complicit in the U.S. government's practice of outsourcing torture."


The CIA has come under intense international criticism for the practice of "extraordinary rendition," in which it captures terrorism suspects in one country and moves them to another for interrogation and detention. Less attention has been paid, however, to private companies whose airplanes and other transportation services have been used in the CIA's program.

Private military contractors based in the United States and other countries have been a controversial presence in Iraq. Their role has come under greater scrutiny after four employees of Blackwater USA, a North Carolina-based security firm, were killed and two of their corpses hung from a bridge in Fallouja in March 2004.

An estimated 25,000 private security workers are employed in Iraq, costing nearly $50 billion since the start of the war. Estimates based on government reports indicate that more than 200 have been killed.

Defense Secretary Donald H. Rumsfeld has repeatedly defended the Pentagon's use of private contractors, saying it is an effective way to free up military personnel and other government employees working in combat zones.

In December, Rumsfeld acknowledged that such contractors were not covered by military law, but he argued that Iraqi laws as well as U.S. civilian laws govern the behavior of Americans working in Iraq.

President Bush, who was asked about the legal status of contractors in Iraq at a town hall session last month, said he delegated such policy decisions to the Pentagon.

"I don't mean to be dodging the question, although it's kind of convenient in this case," Bush joked after a talk to graduate students in Washington. "I'm going to call the secretary [Rumsfeld] and say you brought up a very valid question, and what are we doing about it?"

In January, the Justice Department acknowledged that it was looking into 11 allegations of detainee abuse by civilians from the Pentagon, as well as those involving nine civilians from "another agency," believed to be the CIA.

Other than the case against former CIA contractor David Passaro, in which assault charges were filed two years ago in connection with the June 2003 beating death of a detainee in Afghanistan, all of the others have been referred to a task force set up in the U.S. attorney's office in the Eastern District of Virginia, the Justice Department said. No other charges have been filed in any of the cases. Passaro is awaiting trial.

Amnesty officials said despite allegations of abuses, there were signs that the industry was beginning to establish self-regulating guidelines that could help prevent such problems in the future.

Laura Dickinson, a University of Connecticut law school expert on military contractors who has worked with Amnesty International on the issue, said she had been in contact with the International Peace Operations Assn., a newly formed trade group for private military groups, about ways to change contracts and regulations governing the companies.

Dickinson said she had studied 60 publicly available contracts of private companies working for the U.S. government in Iraq and found that none of them required employees to obey international human rights and humanitarian laws, provisions that could easily be added to government contracts.

She said many domestic government contracts, such as those for companies running state prisons, routinely included provisions for such laws, as well as an accreditation process that prevented companies from winning such deals without the approval of national trade associations.

Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times


U.S. Security Contractors Open Fire in Baghdad
Blackwater Employees Were Involved in Two Shooting Incidents in Past Week

By Steve Fainaru and Saad al-Izzi | Washington Post Foreign Service | May 27, 2007


Employees of Blackwater USA, a private security firm under contract to the State Department, opened fire on the streets of Baghdad twice in two days last week, and one of the incidents provoked a standoff between the security contractors and Iraqi forces, U.S. and Iraqi officials said.

A Blackwater guard shot and killed an Iraqi driver Thursday near the Interior Ministry, according to three U.S. officials and one Iraqi official who were briefed on the incident but spoke on condition of anonymity because of a pending investigation. On Wednesday, a Blackwater-protected convoy was ambushed in downtown Baghdad, triggering a furious battle in which the security contractors, U.S. and Iraqi troops and AH-64 Apache attack helicopters were firing in a congested area.

Blackwater confirmed that its employees were involved in two shootings but could neither confirm nor deny that there had been any casualties, according to a company official who declined to be identified because of the firm's policy of not addressing incidents publicly.

Blackwater's security consulting division holds at least $109 million worth of State Department contracts in Iraq, and its employees operate in a perilous environment that sometimes requires the use of deadly force. But last week's incidents underscored how deeply these hired guns have been drawn into the war, their murky legal status and the grave consequences that can ensue when they take aggressive action.

Matthew Degn, a senior American civilian adviser to the Interior Ministry's intelligence directorate, described the ministry as "a powder keg" after the Iraqi driver was shot Thursday, with anger at Blackwater spilling over to other Americans working in the building.

Degn said he was concerned the incident "could undermine a lot of the cordial relationships that have been built up over the past four years. There's a lot of angry people up here right now."

Details about that incident remained sketchy. The Blackwater guards said the victim drove too close to their convoy and drew fire, according to the three American officials. Concerned about a possible car bomb or other threat, the guards said they tried to wave off the vehicle, shouted, fired a warning shot into the radiator, then shot into the windshield when the driver failed to pull back, the officials said. Such steps are recommended under the rules for the use of force by contractors in Iraq specified in Memorandum 17, a set of guidelines adopted in 2004 by the Coalition Provisional Authority, the U.S.-led occupation government, and still in effect.

The Iraqi official said the driver encountered the Blackwater convoy after leaving a gas station just outside the Interior Ministry. Some witnesses said the shooting was unprovoked, the official said. He said the driver had wounds in his shoulder, chest and head.

The Blackwater employees refused to divulge their names or details of the incident to Iraqi authorities, according to two of the U.S. officials and the Iraqi official. The officials described a tense standoff that ensued between the Blackwater guards and Interior Ministry forces -- both sides armed with assault rifles -- until a passing U.S. military convoy intervened.

Anne Tyrrell, a Blackwater spokeswoman, said the company did not discuss specific incidents. In a statement via e-mail, she wrote: "Blackwater investigates any reports of hostile action in Iraq. Per the terms of our US Government contracts, as a matter of routine, Blackwater is required to file after action reports on any such incidents."

Dan Sreebny, a U.S. Embassy spokesman in Baghdad, said: "The security contractors are an important part of our embassy here. We expect all people within the mission to conform to the rules and procedures of professional behavior. We take allegations of misbehavior very seriously, and when there are such allegations we investigate thoroughly."

Blackwater, which is headquartered in Moyock, N.C., gained national attention in March 2004, when a mob killed four of its employees in the city of Fallujah and hung their charred corpses from a bridge. Blackwater is now the most prominent of dozens of security companies working in Iraq, with hundreds of guards and a fleet of armored vehicles and helicopters.

The Interior Ministry, which regulates security companies for the Iraqi government, has received four previous complaints of shooting incidents involving Blackwater in the past two years, according to Hussein Kamal, undersecretary for intelligence affairs. But in an interview before last week's shootings, Kamal said Iraqi authorities have been hampered by a Coalition Provisional Authority order granting contractors immunity from the Iraqi legal process.

Interior Ministry officials said Blackwater has not applied to operate as a private security company in Iraq. That process has been completed by several security firms with U.S. government contracts, including ArmorGroup International and Aegis Defense Services, two British companies.
Tyrrell wrote that Blackwater is "working lawfully in Iraq," adding, "We comply with all contractual obligations, including obtaining all appropriate registrations in the very dynamic environment in Iraq whose requirements for registration and licensing are always evolving."

The Pentagon and company representatives estimate that 20,000 to 30,000 armed security contractors work in Iraq, although there are no official figures and some estimates run much higher. Security contractors are not counted as part of the coalition forces and are prohibited from taking part in offensive operations. But their convoys are often attacked, drawing guards into firefights and ground combat.


The Blackwater convoy involved in the Wednesday incident was ambushed at 11 a.m., according to the U.S. military, while escorting State Department employees participating in the reconstruction effort. U.S. officials and bystanders said the Blackwater vehicles were struck by a well-coordinated attack, with insurgents unleashing a barrage of small-arms fire from surrounding rooftops.

A statement released by the military said that the "security unit" requested assistance and that Apache helicopters attached to the 1st Air Cavalry Brigade, 1st Cavalry Division, arrived before ground forces.

Mohammed Mahdi, 37, an employee at a veterinary drugstore, said the combined American forces unleashed a fury of gunfire near the Amanat, the municipal headquarters located in the heart of downtown Baghdad. Before taking cover in his store, Mahdi said, he saw two people killed and one wounded near the city's legal registry.

A U.S. Embassy official, speaking on condition of anonymity, said Blackwater contractors "did their job," enabling the State Department employees to be extracted without injuries. The U.S. military said no American soldiers were killed or wounded during the attack.

Mahdi said that the battle lasted for nearly an hour and that when he emerged he saw four mini-buses, a taxi and an Opel sedan containing dead and wounded. He said that he saw "at least four or five" people "who were certainly dead" but that he did not know how the people were killed, who killed them or whether they were civilians or combatants.

"There were people yelling: 'There's someone dead over here! Come!' " he said. "And another saying: 'There's someone wounded over here. Come and get them.' "

Back to Top | Home | Site Map | Euphemisms